When Racism Cosplays as Women’s Safety by Dr Isha Abdulkadir
Dr Isha Abdulkadir is a researcher and activist whose work centres on gender-based violence, diaspora politics, and intersectional justice. She completed her PhD in International Development at the University of Portsmouth in 2023, exploring how Somali and Somaliland communities in London are rethinking attitudes toward female genital mutilation (FGM) and challenging long-held cultural norms. Isha has published widely, including co-authoring an article on Somali men’s views on FGM in Culture, Health & Sexuality and contributing to key books on women, violence, and culture. She also worked on the West Midlands Sexual Assault and Abuse Needs Assessment for Black and Minoritised Communities with We Are Frieda CIC, helping to shape anti-racist and trauma-informed policy approaches.
Introduction
Across the UK, we’re watching a strange new performance unfold — and if it weren’t so dangerous, it would be funny. Suddenly, men who have never cared about women’s rights, who think “patriarchy” is a brand of tractor, are out here acting like the Avengers of Women’s Safety. Overnight, the far‑right has reinvented itself as the feminist wing of Britain. They’re outside asylum accommodation waving signs about “protecting our women,” as if violence against women arrived on a dinghy last Tuesday.
Meanwhile, every women’s organisation in the country is quietly screaming into a pillow because they’ve been saying for decades that most violence happens at home, by men women already know. But sure — let’s blame the guy who’s been in the country for 11 minutes and doesn’t even know where the nearest Tesco is.
And when the rumours spread, when the panic kicks in, when the headlines go wild, who steps in to calm things down? Not the far‑right. Not the politicians who stoke the fear. Not the men who suddenly discovered feminism like it was a new protein shake.
It’s women’s charities — the same ones running on fumes, patchy funding, and staff who haven’t had a proper lunch break since 2014.
This article digs into how far‑right groups twist violence against women and girls (VAWG), how feminist non‑profits push back, and what stops them from doing even more.
How the Far‑Right Hijacks Women’s Safety
The far‑right’s favourite magic trick is pretending to care about women so they can push racism. This tactic, the instrumentalisation of feminist language to justify xenophobia has been documented across Europe¹. They claim violence is “imported,” as if misogyny is some exotic fruit that only grows in other countries. They ignore the fact that the biggest danger to women is usually sitting on their sofa, asking what’s for dinner.
Women’s organisations are left to clean up the mess. They’re the ones explaining again — that violence is caused by sexism, inequality, poverty, racism, and cuts to services. Not immigration. Not culture. Not “outsiders.”
And here’s the thing: feminist non‑profits are uniquely positioned to challenge this perversity. They see the real patterns every day. They know what actually drives violence. They know when politicians are lying. They know when the far‑right is using women as props.
But they’re expected to do this quietly, politely, and without sounding “political,” even though the far‑right’s entire argument is political theatre.
When Nationalism Pretends to Be Feminism
Neonationalism² — the modern remix of old‑school nationalism, identity politics with WiFi — is basically the political version of that guy who says, “I can’t be sexist, I love my mum.” It uses “women’s rights” as a badge of honour — a way to say, “We’re civilised, unlike them.” It’s racism dressed up as feminism, and it’s everywhere³.
This is where femonationalism³ comes in — when racist politics steals feminist language to make xenophobia and fascism sound like women’s safety. Not feminism. Racism and fascism in a pink hat.
Women’s charities get dragged into this nonsense. Their existence is used as proof that the UK cares about women, while they themselves are denied the funding and freedom needed to actually protect women. Boards panic about “reputation.” Funders demand “neutrality.” Contracts focus on numbers, not advocacy.
The message is clear: do the work, but don’t talk about the politics behind it. It’s like being told to mop up a flood but not mention the broken pipe.
This is one of the biggest limits on their power: they’re expected to fix the consequences of political decisions without being allowed to challenge the decisions themselves.
The Myth of ‘Protecting Our Women’
The far‑right loves the phrase “protecting our women’’. This is classic protectionist rhetoric⁴ — dramatic speeches that sound noble but are really just patriarchy doing cosplay. It treats women as fragile objects belonging to the nation, not as people with agency. It also suggests that safety comes from policing, punishment, and borders — not from addressing the real causes of violence.
Women’s organisations reject this. They highlight how racist policies, immigration enforcement, and surveillance harm women and make them less likely to seek help⁵⁶. They show that “protection” built on fear and punishment rarely keeps women safe.
Their resistance is grounded in survivor experience and evidence. But speaking out can cost them funding and partnerships, so they’re constantly forced to balance truth‑telling with survival.
This is another limit on their power: they know the truth, but telling it can get them punished
Austerity: The Quiet Silencer of Feminist Work
Austerity⁷ — the government’s long-term “cut everything except the things that actually need cutting” strategy — has hit the women’s sector like a wrecking ball. Specialist services, especially those led by Black and minoritised women, have lost funding or closed⁸. Staff are stretched thin. Survivors face long waits for help. Organisations are forced to compete for tiny pots of money⁹.
When you’re fighting to survive, it’s harder to challenge the government or push back against racist narratives. Austerity hasn’t just weakened services — it has weakened the sector’s ability to resist harmful political stories.
This is the third major limit on their power: you can’t fight fascism on an empty stomach and a three‑month funding cycle.
What’s Holding Feminist Organisations Back?
The far‑right’s misuse of VAWG isn’t just annoying — it has real consequences for the organisations actually doing the work. And the truth is, feminist non‑profits can’t keep fighting authoritarian creep with one hand tied behind their back and the other filling out a funding report. If these organisations are going to keep resisting far‑right absurdities , they need more than passion and burnout. They need proper funding, political freedom, and crucially each other.
Because here’s the uncomfortable truth: the women’s sector is brilliant, but it’s also exhausted, underfunded, and far too siloed. Everyone is doing heroic work, but often in separate corners, whispering the same truths into different voids. Meanwhile, the far‑right is loud, coordinated, and absolutely shameless.
And Here’s the Part No One Likes to Say Out Loud
While feminist organisations call out racism in politics, many still reproduce white supremacy internally. Not always intentionally. But structurally, culturally, and consistently.
White‑led feminist organisations often benefit from the same racial hierarchies they critique. They receive the bulk of funding.They are seen as “neutral” and “professional” coded ways of saying “white.” They get access to commissioners and policymakers that Black‑ and minoritised‑led organisations are routinely denied.
This isn’t about individual bad actors. It’s about a system where leadership remains white, power remains centralised, and solidarity evaporates when funding is at stake.
What Needs to Change Inside Feminist Organisations
If feminist organisations want to resist the far‑right with integrity, they must confront the racism embedded within their own structures. This requires more than EDI workshops or polite commitments to “diversity.” It demands a redistribution of power, long‑term investment in Black‑ and minoritised‑led services, and governance structures where anti‑racism is treated as core safeguarding rather than an optional side project. It means challenging funding systems that reward racial privilege and pushing for models that prioritise collaboration over competition. It also means practising accountable solidarity not the quiet, internal kind, but the public, unapologetic kind that stands with Black‑ and minoritised‑led organisations when they are targeted, even when doing so feels politically risky. And above all, it requires abandoning the myth of neutrality. Silence in the face of racism is not impartiality; it is complicity.
Feminist organisations cannot fight racism externally while benefiting from it internally. They cannot challenge the far‑right’s weaponisation of women’s safety while reproducing racial hierarchies in their own corridors. Real feminist power requires internal transformation, the kind that redistributes resources, shifts culture, and makes solidarity a practice rather than a slogan.
Collective Feminist Resistance in Action
Despite these pressures, feminist resistance remains powerful. In 2025, more than one hundred women’s organisations came together to challenge the racist misuse of VAWG⁵. It was bold, united, and unapologetic.
Coalitions like this matter because they give organisations strength and protection. They amplify the voices of Black and minoritised women, who have long warned about these issues⁸⁶. They shift the conversation away from fear and towards facts. They show what real feminist leadership looks like.
Coalitions are powerful but they shouldn’t have to be emergency responses to political chaos. They should be supported, funded, and expected.
Building Feminist Power Together
Real safety requires intersectional¹⁰ thinking and intersectional working. Women experience violence differently depending on race, class, immigration status, disability, sexuality, and income². So the solutions cannot come from isolated organisations working in their own little bubbles. The far‑right thrives on division; feminism thrives on connection. And right now, the sector needs connection more than ever.
Feminist organisations need to share data, stories, and strategies, not guard them like state secrets. They need to back each other publicly when the far‑right targets one of them⁶, instead of worrying about whether solidarity will upset a funder. They need to build cross‑sector alliances that can’t be picked off one by one. And they need to centre the leadership of Black and minoritised women⁸, who have been naming these issues long before the rest of the country caught up.
Violence is not caused by culture or immigration. It is caused by sexism, inequality, poverty, racism, fascism,and systems that protect perpetrators more than survivors. Women’s organisations know this. They’ve always known this. But they need the freedom, the funding, and the collective power to say it loudly — together.
Because the far‑right is coordinated. So feminist resistance has to be even more coordinated.
Conclusion
The far‑right’s sudden interest in women’s safety is not about protecting women. It is about using women’s experiences to justify racism and fear. Women’s charities are the ones exposing this manipulation. They are the frontline. They are the truth‑tellers. They are the people doing the work the government refuses to do.
But they cannot keep doing this if they are underfunded and silenced. If we want a society where women are genuinely safe and not used as political props — we must protect the organisations that protect us. That means proper funding, political freedom, and a commitment to intersectional feminist values. It means collaboration instead of competition, solidarity instead of silence, and collective power instead of isolated struggle. Real safety comes from justice, not scapegoating. From truth, not fear. From solidarity, not division. Women’s organisations already know this. The question is whether the country will listen.
Calderaro, C. (2025). Beyond instrumentalization: Far-right women’s appropriation of feminism in France. Cambridge University Press.
Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex. University of Chicago Legal Forum.
Dombrowski, V. (2024). Far-right feminists? The exploitation of women’s rights. FEPS.
Protectionist rhetoric: Dramatic “protect our women” speeches that sound noble but are really just patriarchy doing cosplay.
End Violence Against Women Coalition (2025). Joint sector statement.
Southall Black Sisters (2025). Public statements on racism and women’s safety.
Austerity: The government’s long-term “cut everything except the things that actually need cutting” strategy.
Imkaan (2025). Sector statement on far-right targeting of VAWG.
Women’s Aid (2024–2025). Sector reports on funding, retention, and VAWG services.
Intersectional: Understanding that women don’t all experience violence the same way.
Neonationalism: A modern remix of old-school nationalism — identity politics with WiFi.
Femonationalism: When racist politics steals feminist language to make xenophobia sound like women’s safety.